Guide Radicals & Royalists

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The sad fate of the uprising, however, prompted republicans to regroup and develop new strategies for success. As a whole, then, helped solidify the end of the Bourbon monarchy and class identities, and was a crucial moment in the re organization. Here at Walmart. Your email address will never be sold or distributed to a third party for any reason. Due to the high volume of feedback, we are unable to respond to individual comments. Sorry, but we can't respond to individual comments.

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Add to Registry. The year of marked a turning point in France as the country struggled to find its way in the wake of the French Revolution. Following the Revolution of , Legitimists, supporters of the recently ousted Bourbon dynastys claim to the throne, continued to plot against King Louis-Philippe and his July Monarchy. In early , after failing to launch a coup in Southern France, Legitimists plotted an unsuccessful uprising in the Vende, a region in Western France that had supported the royalist cause during the French Revolution. Some mobilizations have been historically interpreted as failures, as in France in , despite all the efforts of the monarchy and its agents.

By late March, volunteer battalions had been raised in two-thirds of the provinces, but the mobilization assumed significant proportions only in Paris and in the Midi.

Taking into account all the organized battalions, the Southeast provided more than 10, volunteers in about three weeks, but that figure should be doubled or even tripled to take into account the number of those who made some act of adherence to the Volontaires Royaux Triomphe, , p. In other countries, the creation of volunteer forces amounted to massive mobilizations. In the Pontifical States, 50, recruits had joined the Centurioni by , and 75, by - an impressive response when we consider that they were drawn from territories with a population of well under a million Reinerman, In , the Modenese militia counted two regiments for the provinces of Modena and Reggio including respectively ten and two battalions, plus two battalions of Cacciatori and a battalion for the Duchy of Massa and Lunigiana.

Local differences notwithstanding, the fact remains that royalist volunteer militias demonstrated their ability to mobilize the masses, especially if we take into account the difficulties that the civic militia were encountering at that time. In Paris, their strength barely exceeded half the projected number, set at 32, men.


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This expectation was reduced by half by an ordinance and then to 12, in March , shortly before Charles X dissolved the Garde. The local authorities would then elect a committee to examine applications. Faced with the apathy of many ayuntamientos, the royal government had to issue numerous circulars to remind the local authorities of their duties, under the supervision of the intendants, and threatened in to suspend them in case of non-compliance. Standards in the volunteer militias were generally low. No military experience was required, which often posed a problem for commanders due to the shortage of military instructors relative to the needs of volunteer battalions, as evidenced by the repeated requests from local officers that can be found in the archives.

Criteria of age, good moral standards, and political conduct appeared in all the regulations. Some regulations established exclusions related to wealth. The Portuguese volunteers had to buy their own uniforms, which implicitly excluded the very poor. Conditions were stricter for the officers. These conditions made it difficult to fill the ranks of officers in some places, for lack of suitable candidates. It is difficult to gain an overall impression of the social composition of volunteer militias, due to both the lack of available data in the sources and the diversity of local situations.

The figures available for a few places, however, are enough to throw into question a common misconception that reduces royalism to a mere alliance between the aristocratic elite and the lowest layers of rural or urban society. The working classes also supplied the bulk of the Guardie Urbane in the Kingdom of Naples. In the countryside, the wealthiest royalist landowners surely contributed to enlistment numbers in the militia through the same kind of relationship with the peasantry. This factor does not seem to have played out the same way in the Roman provinces, where the landowners, whether aristocratic or bourgeois, tended to be indifferent or unfriendly to the papal regime, and appear to have been little involved in promoting or leading the Centurioni, and often even discouraged their tenants and laborers from joining Reinerman, , p.

The undeniable role of relations of economic dependence and of clientelism in the constitution of royalist militias cannot thus be simply described as the manipulation of the popular masses by royalist notables, as liberal historiography has long done. Relationships of economic dependence and clientelism only succeeded in recruiting when there was fertile ground for popular mobilization. To understand what could tempt individuals to join a militia voluntarily, we should consider the conditions of service offered to them.

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Service in the militia was unpaid - and that was their main attraction for monarchies constantly seeking ways to save money. Service could, however, offer privileges, such as the right to carry arms, free access to public documents hunting licenses, passports, security letters and to certain public shows. It also conferred many exemptions; volunteers were exempted from regular military service, from certain taxes or from military requisitions on their properties, and they were granted access to military jurisdiction and privileges for the duration of their service.

Of equal importance, membership in a militia conferred some social visibility: militias were integrated into public ceremonies, parading in uniform in processions and at festive events. Indeed, liberal detractors of royalist militias often described them as mercenary forces bought by the monarchy from among the lower classes of rural or urban society, lured by the promise of material advantage and symbolic revenge against the progressive bourgeoisie.

Almost as often, however, liberals denounced these militias as lairs of the ignorant masses, fanaticized by royalist notables and the clergy. Politicization was another motivation for engagement. In the statements of service for individuals proposed for the position of officer, beyond conventional declarations of adhesion to the monarchy, proofs of past engagement in active defense of the royal cause were also listed.

In regions where civil war was raging, many officers had previously distinguished themselves in royalist guerrillas or in repressing liberal revolts. Individual careers are much more difficult to reconstruct for soldiers, but there are other signs of politicization. Since the end of the eighteenth century, the royalist cause had amply demonstrated its ability to arouse the active support of large segments of the population. However, popular royalism masked a broad diversity of tendencies under the unifying ideals of guardianship of tradition through defense of the Church and the absolute monarchy and a marked hostility to liberalism.

Entering the volunteer militia could thus reflect a form of politicization or be a means for the rural masses to have some influence over local affairs in the name of royalism. Although the principal mission of a royalist militia was to maintain order and to preserve the public peace, there was also an overtly political dimension to their territorial control. This was explicitly stated, for example, in the Portuguese regulations of September In case of revolutionary agitation, local authorities could call on the support of neighboring district forces.

The volunteers did not wear uniforms or insignia, so their identities were not known to the local authorities. The royalist militias were in fact local instruments of political repression and of intimidation against liberals. For those in favor of an active counter-revolution, it was vital to spare no means for the monarchical cause.

However, the project of mobilizing reservoirs of popular support to serve counter-revolutionary objectives, so fundamental to the creation of voluntary militias, did not meet with unanimous enthusiasm from the conservative ruling elite. Promoters of an armed popular counter-revolution were not always successful in garnering support for their plans. In France, the Count of Artois failed to impose his personal authority on the Garde Nationale through a centralized organization. The general inspection was suppressed by an ordinance, which also reduced Prince Colonel General to a merely honorific title, and conferred all authority over the guards to the Minister of the Interior.

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However, it also alienated the institution from the sympathies of the Ultras who were now wary of an organization that they no longer controlled, and which found its most ardent defenders in the liberal party and press. Enthroned in , the Count of Artois made a point of not inviting the Garde to his coronation and anointment ceremony, and quickly found an excuse to dissolve it three years later Carrot, , p. Before he counseled the Duke of Modena, the Prince of Canosa had faced the same opposition in Naples. Twice, when he was minister of police for King Ferdinand, he had proposed to arm and support the Calderari, a secret society formed early in the century in opposition to the Carboneria, the better to repress and intimidate the liberals.

In , Luigi dei Medici, with the support of the Austrian diplomacy, was successful in convincing the king to remove Canosa from office and to banish him, while some of his followers were arrested and tried. Wherever they were established, popular militias aroused mistrust and even open hostility from moderate conservative elites.

By encouraging popular violence in the name of the sovereign, the Ultras threatened the fragile peace upon which the monarchical restoration had been built and, even worse, threatened to trigger the social war dreaded even more than revolution itself.

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These fears were echoed in the calls for moderation from Austrian diplomats. As far as Metternich was concerned, by sponsoring the popular militias, monarchical governments were encouraging the division of their subjects into two armed camps, a development likely to lead to civil war. Even if the conservative camp emerged victorious from this clash, the use of a fanatical and undisciplined force could also lead to a bloodbath comparable to the excesses of the Neapolitan Sanfedisti in , which would tarnish the reputation not only of the governments that employed them, but also of the conservative camp as a whole.

A class-based civil war could pit the propertied classes of all Europe against the monarchies and their Austrian protector. The many complaints emanating from local authorities about the volunteers provided fuel for the critics of popular militias and their volunteers.

In the main cities, the arrest of foreigners gave rise to protests from diplomats.


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In some areas, popular militias became an instrument of terror against the liberal opposition, deploying diffuse and sometimes indiscriminate violence against them. With their very loose organization, the pontifical volunteers were often accused of maintaining a reign of terror. Andare a cane to go hunting for dogs was the figurative expression used by the Volontari to refer to their persecution of liberals.

Such abuses certainly occurred in some places for Portugal, see Monteiro Cardoso, , p.